chap5
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Art and Culture of Tamilnadu
R. Nagaswamy
5. TEMPLES OF VILLAGE GODS
Temples are visual manifestations of the longing of the people who reside in their region, their fears over the mysterious unfathomable power, their desire to propitiate them and receive boons for a happy earthly life or the life beyond and as such it is difficult to draw a dividing line between the classical temple and the village temple (or what may be called more appropriately the folk- temple).
However, if for purposes of better understanding one were to classify them under two broad divisions, then the temples represented by structures built of wood, brick, or stone, which are not only mere functional buildings, but those that were built according to certain codes with articulated parts and embelishments, wherein the worship assumes a classical character, the rites and festivals following a particular code, impregnated with a philosophy for every rite, they may be called classical temples whether found in towns or villages. The other where the main motivation is the adoration of the divine, the structures or rites having no relevance to any code, are the folktemples, whether they are located in the heart of a city or in a remote village. Though the classical temples of India, on accout of their monumental architecture, attract much attention, it is the folk-temples, several times greater in number, that reflect the living faith of the people of India.
As in any part of the word, the village temples of India owe their origin to the tribal belief in the various manifestations of nature spirits, their malevolent and benevelont power and belief in a divine hand in everything around. The trees, the rivers, the monutains, the tanks, the sea, lightning, wind, etc., have gradually grown into the making of the village temples. Fertility cult, so widely prevelant throughout the ancient world, the faith in the Mother Goddess, led to the personification of each and every village settlement as the Grāma devata — the village goddess.
Early inscriptions refer to the personified deity of the city of Pushkalāvati as the Pushkalāvati devatā. Similarly the city of Madurai was personofied as Madhurāpuri devata in ancient Tamil literature. The port-city of Kaveripumpaṭṭinam was called Champapathi and the personified spirit of this city was worshipped as Champapati devatā and similarly the city of Kāñci had Kāñcīpuri devatā, who is Kāmākṣi. As in these illustrious cases, each and every village had its own personified deity called the Grāma devatā, i.e., the village goddess. She protects the villagers and guides them like a fondling mother.
The worship of natural spirits such as presiding deity of a tree called Vṛkṣaka has been popular in ancient India. The cult which was followed by Buddhists, Jains and Hindus, was represented in their sculptures. Huge carved sculptures of Yakṣa and Yakṣi, assignable to the first and second centuries B.C. found in parts of northern India and dealt with by eminent scholars like Ananda Coomaraswami speak of the adoration of folk deities, associating them with lakes and river banks.
One of the main forms of the classical deity which was considered a folk deity adored by hunters when they started on hunting expeditions, is called Revanta, said to be a son of Sūrya. He was often portrayed riding a horse, accompanied by dogs and hunters. From number of sculptures found in northern India, he seems to have been worshipped by large sections of hunters in the early historical period. It seems that this concept of Revanta, the God riding a horse, accompanied by dogs, has taken the shape of Ayyan Mahāsāstha popularly called Aiyaṉār in southern India. Though a different version relating to his birth is narrated in the myths found in local literature, in the extreme south, particularly in Kerala, where he is portrayed in paintings, Wood and stone, his representation confirms to the identity of Revanta as found in northern India. In fact, the Tantrasamuchaya, one of the important ritual texts from Kerala, gives the name Revanta as one of the titles of Sāsthā. The cult of Aiyanar, also called Sāsthā or Māsāttan, is mentioned in very early literature like the Silappadikāram. Sculptures of Ayyan Mahāsāstha are found from the early Pallava period viz. seventh and eight centuries A.D. in Tamil Nadu. He is now adored in almost every village of Tamil Nadu, and is often shown seated holding a whip in his hand, accompanied by his consorts, Pūrṇa and Puṣkala. One of the most important aspects of the Aiyaṉār temple is the huge horse made of terracotta or brick and mortar, covered with stucco painting with a number of hunters and dogs shown accompanying the horse. The temple of Aiyaṉār is a common sight all over the country and often he is found is association with the temple of Piḍāri. Though he is a village god, he has also a place in classical ritual, for the architectural treatises assign a particular quarter for his temple.
Similarly, the temple dedicated to Durgā or Goddess Kāli or the seven mothers called the Saptamātas all have a place in the layout of the village. But these temples dedicated to the goddesses, often called Piḍāri temples as temples of village gods and goddesses.
Another element that has gone into the making of village temples is the adoration of the serpent as Nāga or Nāgarāja. The antiquity of the serpent cult is lost in prehistoric periods and seems to have emanated essentially out of fear of the reptile. But in time it assumed great significance. Not only the serpent but also its abode usually represente by anthills, assumed reverence. The cult Mānasā in the eastern India owes its origin to the adoration of Nāgas. A temple dedicated to Nāgarāja assigned to the Mauryan third century B.C., was excavated in Mathura, in northern India. Slowly the Serpent cult was associated with the worship of Goddess and assumed importance from the point of view of child birth. Women desirous of having children often plant stone-figures of coiled serpents at the foot of sacred trees like the Aśvattha and believe that the propitiation of these Nāga stones will bestow progeny on them. So from the tribal belief in various powers and manifestations the temples dedicated to Village goddess have sprung.
One of the main concepts that have contributed to the develop ment of Village Gods is worship of heroes who have laid down their lives for the their country or community. The worship is marked by the erection of hero-stones, also called memorial stones, which are found in thousands in Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Saurashtra and even Himachal Pradesh. This cult should have been prevelant in the eastern regions as well, but no systematic study seems to have been undertaken in the region.
The erection of hero-stones and adoration of the dead as the Saviour Spirit of the community can be considered an extension of the prehistoric cult of erecting megalithic tombs. The hero-stones are erected in the form of a dolmen with three upright slabs, in the form of a small chamber and topped by a capstone. The figure of the hero is carved on the back slab, facing the front. The representation of the hero on the slab takes various forms. The simplest is to show the figure of the hero in the act of fighting with spear, sword or bow and arrow. Often a container with a covered lid, a Spouted pitcher, a mirror and other accessories are also shown by the side. These were obviously offerings made to the dead and probably buried with the dead. In some stones a bunch of arrows are shown by the side. When the hero died in a cattle raid or rescuing cattle, figures of cows, buffaloes or sheep are also portrayed. There are instances where the heroes were riding on horses or even elephants and lost their lives. They are shown on horse or elephant back. In the hilly or jungle regions wild beasts were a source of menace to the people. Some brave men killed them and lost their lives in the process. In such instances, the hero was shown fighting the beast.
One particular concept that was widely prevelant regarding heroic death was that the hero will attain heaven. On his heroic death, divine damsels descend to earth and carry him to his heavenly abode. When he reaches heaven, he will be face to face with his chosen god. This concept was quite frequently represented in herostones in three panels. In the bottom panel, the hero will be shown as a fighter. In the middle panel, the divine damsels will carry him to heaven and in the top panel he will be shown adoring the deity. If he was a Śaivite, he will be shown worshipping the Liṅga. If he was a Vaiṣṇavite, Viṣṇu will be shown in front of him. Several such panels have been found.
In the Goa region, many naval battles have been fought and in memorial stones boats and ships taking part in a naval fight figure.
There were other forms of death which were also instrumental for hero-stones being erected. Among the heroes, hunters and hilly tribes, there was a custom of cutting one's own head and offering it to one's chosen deity. The severing of one's own head was either for bestowing victory to the country, to the monarch or in fulfilment of certain vows. In such cases, the hero would be portrayed severing his own head. In one instance a hero guarding his buffaloes Was attacked by a robber and killed. But his faithful dog chased the robber and stood by its dead master. The villagers have honoured both the hero and the heroic dog by portraying their figures and recording the whole episode. The memorial was erected in the seventh century A.D., perhaps the earliest memorial known so far to have been erected for an animal. In another seventh century record, a cock is figured with its name inscribed. It was probably a favourite bird which died in a cock fight. In one instance a man died of snake bite and he was portrayed with a snake by his leg.
In quite a number cases the event relating to the death of the hero, the name of the hero, the period, and the people who erected the stone are recorded in the local language. In Karnataka over five thousand such inscribed memorials have been recorded. In Tamil Nadu recently over six hundred inscribed memorials from the fourth century A.D. to almost present times have been found. Andhra Pradesh also abounds in such stones.
This somewhat lengthy account of hero-stones is necessary to understand the social background of village temples. Often such hero-stones are found beneath trees in simple surroundings. In most Cases there would be no superstructure. Originally the stones were in the form of a dolmen on the ground, or sometimes erected over a platform. As they are the representation of the hero's spirit, long swords, spears, or tridents are planted before. Horses made of terracotta, painted purely in the folk style, are made and placed before these memorials.
The hero who laid down his life for his community, village or country was invoked in the stone and it was believed that the spirit of the hero ever resided in the stone, bestowing benefactions on the community. The spirit was dreaded, loved, adored and worshipped and was considered the saviour of the community. When the heroic death was due to a severe fight, involving the whole village, the spirit cut across community barriers and became the deity of a group of villages. There are various strata of such deities, some serving as saviour of the community to which the hero belonged; the Second as the deity of a single or group of villages and the third as the deity of a wide region or territorial division, called Nāḍu.
It often happens that, when a community migrates, it instals the hero in the new settlement and worships him or annually visits the original village where the hero-stone is found and offers worship. Depending upon the numerical strength of the community and its mobility, or the exhibition of valour that captures the imagination of the populace, the hero suddenly becomes the guardian deity of all the people. Some such regional deaths known in Tamil Nadu are Madurai Vīran in middle Tamil Nadu, Suḍalaimadan in the extreme South and Veḍan Svāmi in the North, Aṇṇaṇmār in the Koṅgu country. Karuppaṇṇan and other deities arose from the cult of heroic deaths. Maduraivīran, a 7th century a hero who defended the country valiantly, suffered death at the hands of the ruler in a love episode. The ruler gave orders for his execution without knowning who he was. The romantic element and the tragic end of the hero at the hands of the ruler unexpectedly and suddenly has raised a halo around him. Soon his spirit was recognised as a most powerful divinity and his temple is found in every village. The most important mark in his temple is a huge horse placed either in front of him or carrying him. People believe that his spirit ascends the horse after dusk, and goes around the village protecting the people at night. A similar touching story, which related to the death of two brothers, who fought to save the honour of their sister, has deified the brothers, and is the principal village god in the Koṅgu country.
Another element in the development of village temples is the death of a women in heroic circumstances. One such death, is the chaste wife committing Sati, dying voluntarily by entering the funeral pyre of her husband. Recorded evidences are available from the beginning of the Christian era, testifying to such customs. The spirits of women who die under such circumstances are said to be very powerful and not only protect the community but also severely punish wrongdoers. Their figures are carved on stones, enshrined and adored as Māsati. The most outstanding example of such a story is that of Kaṇṇagi, the heroine of the Tamil classic, Silappadhikāram. She is called Vīra-māpattini. It is also an example of how the spirit or a chaste woman of one community became the boon-giving deity of the whole country cutting across caste and community barriers. From hill tribes to ruling emperors, all thronged to adore her. Such worship brought abundant rains and increased the fertility of the soil. The heros were assured of victory by proptiating her. Though the story of Kaṇṇagi is graphically portrayed in the classic, another story has caught the imagination of the people and that is the story of Reṇukā, the mother of Parasurāma. At the bidding of his father Parasurāma cut off the head of his mother, who was disturbed in her concentration by a passing gandharva. In several thousand temples of South India, the severed head of Reṇukā is the presiding deity which is Worshipped. The death of a high-born Brahmin girl, who married an outsaste boy, or the death of a high class women molested by a servant of low birth are some stories which circulate among the populace. The stories migrate with people, assume new garbs, get localised and give rise to new village temples.
In all these instances of the adoration of the dead as the village gods the worship consists of all food and other offerings that pleased the dead while he was alive. Offerings of animal sacrifices, and liquor are quite common modes of worship. Animal sacrifices, are often either misunderstood or blown out of proportion. They arise out of the food habits of the people. The simple concept behind this offering is whatever one eats is ceremoniously offered to the deity and then partaken. Cock, chicken and goat are offered in the presense of the deity, cooked and then consumed by the worshipper. Even the act of cutting the animal was done in the spirit of offering. So in most of the temples dedicated to the village gods animal sacrifice is a common mode of worship. There are some temples where, even cigars specially prepared are offered.
The festivals conducted for the village gods are annual features or specially arranged either to ward of natural calamities, epidemics or threat to the community by human agencies. They are celebrated with great pomp and show and are called Kuḍai eḍuttal (i.e. carrying festive umbrellas). The presence of the deity is felt so powerful that to utter a lie in the presence of the deity will bring calamity to the teller. Many disputes such as adultry and receiving loans and refusing to repay then, are settled even to this day in the village temple. In many interior Villages, there is no need for civil or criminal courts to decide the nature of punishment. The temple of the village god—the impersonal spirit that permeates—is sufficient to take care of the evil doers.
The village deity wards of all deseases. If a person is affected in any part off his body, or the whole, he prays to the deity for cure and offers that part of the limb made of terracotta, wood or metal or a full terracotta figurine resembling a human form (male or female) is made and placed with devotion in front of the deity. For happy child birth, a terracotta figure of a child in a cradle is offered. To ward of diseases to cattle, figures made of clay big or small, are made and placed in the temple. Several hundred such terracotta figurines can be seen in front of Village temples. On all such occassions, the folk artist (mainly the village potter) was honoured with new cloth, flower, garlands, Special food and money. In fact the cult of the village god was mainly responsible for sustaining and fostering folk arts.
The cult of the village gods was the main fountainhead of inspiration for folk music and dance. Several hundred folk ballads and songs are prevelant connected with the adoration of the village heroes. During festivals these are sung by village ministrels for several hours and sometimes throughout the night. So spirited are the folk songs that even people who are in their homes rush towards the place of song in a trance, and sometimes thousands of people march in a trance, singing and dancing. The song of Aṇṇaṇmār worship in the Koṅgu country draws millions of people to march in vastly towards the place of heroes. This has two aspects : (1) the professional folk songsters and dancers employed during the festivals; and (2) the spontaneous participation of all the people in singing and dancing. The second aspect is usually absent in classical temples. Quite often this expression of devotion takes the form of walking over fire, piercing one's body with several thousand decorated needless, carrying in arms firepots, etc. Both men and women participate in such worship.
Since the village folks are excessively conservative, their forms of dress, ornamentation, mode of singing, etc., have preserved the ancient characters, which could be traced several centuries back. For example, in the Aḻagar festival held in Madurai, during March-April, several thousand villagers wear the dress and ornaments found in 16th century paintings and sculptures. It looks as if one were beholding 16th century cultural history in modern times. Another festival in Karūr attracts several thousand men dressed as women moving through the streets singing and dancing. Another interesting festival is enacted in a suburb of Madras for four to five months. Several thousand men and women completely remove all cloth from their bodies, and covering their private parts with neem leaves, circumambulate the temple of the village goddess several times. That such customs, referred to in literature assigned to the beginning of the Christian era, have survived to this day, near the Capital of the state in the 20th century, shows the powerful hold these faiths have over the people.
Not infrequently such folk beliefs and customs Superimpose themselves on the classical temple, almost in a happy blend. To cite an example, there is a celebrated Viṣṇu temple at Aḻagar Koil, near Madurai. The worship here is done by orthodox Vaiṣṇavite Brahmins according to classical rites. At the entrance tower of the temple, is adored a folk god "Karuppan of the steps". The Karuppu is the spirit of the hero who guarded the temple and lost his life in defending the temple treasury from robbers. This Karuppu is held in greater veneration by the village people than the main classical deity, Viṣṇu. But when the annual festival is celebrated to Viṣṇu, several million people assemble to adore Viṣṇu and the Karuppu together. Millions, of people sing delightful folk songs in praise of both Viṣṇu and Karuppan on that occasion. Such superimposition of folk customs, music and dance on classical temples can be illustrated in the case of many temples, so much so the dividing line between the folk temple and the classical temple will vanish for an ordinary Spectator.
However, there is one essential difference between the classical temple and the folk temple. In the classical temple, there is a regularly trained family of worshippers, the priests, who perform daily offerings and the periodical festivals as per a given code or what we may call adhering strictly to the grammar of rites. So there is an intermediary between the devotee and the divine. His presence was accepted as a necessity so that he will maintain constant daily worship while the rest of the community could pursue its avocation and when in need could go the temple. But in the case of the village temple the communication between the devotee and the deity is direct and so the feeling of attachment is more intimate. The divine spirit in the village temple ever remains, and anyone can go and offer worship directly. What one offers and in whatever form it is offered the Divinity is pleased. That accounts for the greater popularity of the village temple.